Analysis: Warning from the fall of Sui Yangdi – Who poses the biggest threat to Xi?

Xi Jinping, the paramount leader of the Chinese Communist Party, met with Indian Prime Minister Modi in New Delhi on September 12. The rare appearance of Zhou Hongxu, Director of the Central Guard Bureau, at the meeting has sparked speculation. Observers believe that Zhou Hongxu, as Xi Jinping’s top bodyguard, deeply involved in the power struggle at the top of the Communist Party, is the person most threatening to Xi’s security. In history, Emperor Sui Yang, often compared to Xi, was arrested by the commander whom he trusted the most, Pei Qiantong, and eventually met a tragic end. This historical example serves as a warning to Xi.

In footage from China Central Television’s news broadcast, Zhou Hongxu was seen at the “Modi-Xi meeting,” dressed in a suit and seated between Ma Chaoxu, Deputy Director-General of the Department of Foreign Affairs (Ministerial level), and Hong Lei, Assistant Foreign Minister (Vice-Ministerial level). This differs from previous instances where the Director of the Central Guard Bureau only acted as an accompanying bodyguard.

Speculations suggest that Zhou Hongxu may have been secretly promoted to Deputy Director of the Central Office and Director of the Central Guard Bureau.

Independent commentator Du Zheng wrote an analysis in Taiwan’s media, pointing out that Zhou Hongxu’s presence at the “Modi-Xi meeting” indicates a lack of mutual trust between China and India. Beijing strategically placed Xi’s top bodyguard, the Director of the Guard Bureau, at the negotiation table to handle any potential emergencies. By appearing in a civilian capacity, Zhou Hongxu was able to enter the meeting, showcasing Xi’s control over the internal military forces.

Zhou Hongxu previously served as the commander of the 40th Infantry Division Artillery of the 14th Group Army stationed in Yunnan. It is said that Zhou Hongxu was recommended to Xi Jinping by Zhang Youxia. During Zhang’s tenure as the commander of the 40th Division in the 14th Group Army from 1990 to 1994, Zhou was a junior officer in the military system before becoming Deputy Chief of Staff of the Northern Military Region. Zhou entered the Central Guard Bureau in 2018 and became Xi’s personal bodyguard. From 2020 to 2021, there were changes in leadership in the Central Guard Bureau, with Zhou taking over as the Director and Chen Dengliu, a former Major General from the 31st Group Army in Zhangzhou, serving as Deputy Director and Political Commissar of the Central Guard Bureau.

Du Zheng noted that at the time, there were two influential figures in the personnel decisions of the Communist Party’s military: Zhang Youxia, who oversaw military professionalism, and Miao Hua, the Director of the Political Work Department of the Military Commission, also from the 31st Group Army and associated with Fujian. To maintain factional balance, Zhang recommended Zhou Hongxu while Miao recommended Chen Dengliu. However, Zhou Hongxu may have been directly involved in bringing down Zhang Youxia, betraying him.

On January 24, 2026, Zhang Youxia and his allies, as well as Military Commission member Liu Zhenli, were both removed from their positions. It was widely rumored at the time that the Central Guard Bureau was involved in the arrest of Zhang and Liu.

Du Zheng suggested that during Xi Jinping’s era of dictatorship, the Central Guard Bureau, controlled by Xi’s trusted confidant and Director of the Central Office Cai Qi, Zhou Hongxu, whether to save his own life or gain merit, would carry out the mission to arrest Zhang Youxia. However, being a “companion to the monarch” means these turncoat officials are initially favored by Xi but eventually get abandoned, persecuted, and sentenced. A prominent example is Fu Zhenghua, a former associate of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission Secretary Zhou Yongkang, who was ordered by Xi to handle the Zhou Yongkang case but was eventually arrested and sentenced to death with a reprieve.

Du Zheng also emphasized that the power struggle in Zhongnanhai is dangerous both ways, for the subordinate and the master. While Xi can give orders to his servants, these individuals pose the greatest threat to him, given their capabilities and conditions to act against him. Zhou Hongxu is precisely such an individual holding military power.

He cited historical examples, mentioning Emperor Sui Yang, who was betrayed and captured by his own trusted aide, the Chief Guard Pei Qiantong, leading to his ultimate demise. It is believed that Xi Jinping shares similarities with Emperor Sui Yang: both are image-conscious, power-hungry leaders who exert grandeur, spend lavishly, and strive for international recognition. Emperor Sui Yang enforced massive labor on building the Grand Canal, resulting in countless deaths, while Xi Jinping carried out extensive construction on the Southern-to-Northern Grand Canal during China’s economically weakest period in decades.

The “Pinglu Canal,” invested with over 70 billion RMB by the Chinese government, was officially opened for navigation on September 16. State media hailed it as the “world’s grandest,” yet the project has been engulfed in significant controversy. According to Du Zheng, the public views the extensive mountain cutting and diversion work for building this north-south canal as disruptive to the natural order, potentially causing catastrophic consequences.

In conclusion, history shows that repeated failures in military campaigns led to popular unrest. If Xi Jinping moves towards military unification with Taiwan, he may face mutiny from his own soldiers. “Xi Jinping may truly be facing a fate similar to Emperor Sui Yang, with the path ahead fraught with extreme danger.”