On September 5, 2024, Taiwan’s public interest groups, think tanks, and various organizations held a symposium on the topic of “Beyond Blue and Green? The Survival Path of Taiwan’s Third Force,” inviting scholars and experts to analyze the situation.
The moderator, who is also the executive vice president of the Taiwan Think Tank, Dong Siqi, stated at the beginning of the event that many people wonder if there is still room for a third political force in Taiwan beyond the traditional blue and green camps. As a diverse democracy, Taiwan has many political issues worth discussing apart from the unification-independence debate, including social divisions, the rules of democratic elections, and the operational space and survival methods of small parties.
Dong Siqi pointed out that looking at the history of Taiwan’s political party development, youth are an important force that cannot be ignored in leading the third force. Taiwan is a society with a diverse democracy, and it is hoped that the younger generation can participate in the deepening of Taiwan’s democracy, express their political ideals with concrete political actions and influence, and speak up for the voices of the youth generation.
Chen Lipu, the president of the Taiwan Professors Association, traced back Taiwan’s political party history to the era of Japanese rule in 1919, including the political enlightenment experiences of Taiwan in the 1930s with the participation of parties like the Taiwan People’s Party and the Taiwan Local Autonomy League in local elections. Unfortunately, political participation among Taiwan’s people was suppressed after the Kuomintang came to Taiwan following the events of the February 28 incident.
Chen Lipu further introduced that the first third force to be established after the founding of the Democratic Progressive Party was actually the New Party, which advocated for Taiwan’s nation-building. However, they ended up being the “first failed third force” much earlier than the New Party, which split from the Kuomintang.
Chen Lipu observed that Taiwan’s party experience was influenced by the Kuomintang’s dictatorial resistance, leading to the development of “rigid parties” that are either black or white and emphasize party will. Currently, both of Taiwan’s major parties belong to the rigid party category, while the public expects a more liberal and open political environment similar to that of the United States, causing conflicts.
Former spokesperson of the People First Party, Wu Kunyu, firmly believes that there is definitely space for third force political parties in Taiwan. Even during authoritarian times, there were around 20% of swing voters in cities and approximately 10% in rural areas. After the opening of political party politics, new parties garnered over 20% of the votes in initial battles, while the People First Party received over 30%, showcasing a viable political force beyond blue and green.
As for why the development of third forces in Taiwan has been so challenging, Wu Kunyu analyzed that under Taiwan’s “zero-sum” electoral system, third forces are fiercely competing for limited resources. The strategists of third forces are often too focused on short-term gains and fail to plan for the long run, only seeking to leverage key minorities. To establish themselves, third forces must propose real solutions to issues and generate valuable outcomes.
Zhou Ni’an, the chairman of the Taiwan Unity Party and former legislator, emphasized that diverse voices are a norm in democratic societies, and there have always been voters who are disenchanted with the blue and green camps. Without a fair electoral system that allows for the conversion of this dispersed force, opportunistic and irresponsible parties may emerge as representatives of the third force. Therefore, electoral reforms are essential to enable small parties to compete fairly with large parties.
Shen Peiling, the deputy secretary-general of the Association of Housewives Participating in Politics, shared her personal experience. In 2017, she initially participated in politics with a group of moms and officially established the association in 2019, which quickly became the fifth largest political party in Taiwan. Shen Peiling mentioned that her journey into politics had nothing to do with her political background; it started with being a mother who realized the unfriendly environment for mothers and babies and the lack of political parties addressing their needs. This realization led her to enter politics, form a party, and strive for a better living environment for the next generation.
The Youth Department Director of the Fuhe Association, Zhou Dewang, analyzed Taiwan’s party spectrum from the perspectives of unification-independence consciousness, conservative/progressive values, establishment methods, and sources of legitimacy. For instance, the Fuhe Association, which he serves, supports Taiwan’s independence and represents the conservative wing. He pointed out that small parties cannot survive on ideals alone. Supporters may talk about ideals, but parties must be responsible in guiding supporters to achieve those ideals. Therefore, decision-makers of small parties must consider survival strategies to thrive.
After the discussion concluded, the hosts and young participants raised questions about “political ideologies,” “internal democracy and decision-making processes within the Association of Housewives Participating in Politics,” and “disloyal opposition parties.” The participants engaged in in-depth analysis and provided responses to each of the queries raised.