Recently, the current leader of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping, seems to be losing power, with rumors circulating of an imminent official announcement of his removal from office. In Xi’s home province of Shaanxi, hundreds of petitioners have jointly submitted a letter of complaint to former CCP leaders Hu Jintao and Wang Yang, accusing Xi of conducting fake anti-corruption campaigns, paying lip service to “governing the country according to law,” and leading to a proliferation of unresolved wrongful cases due to a shift in policies. This development has raised significant concerns.
On June 9th, the Rights Defense Network published a collective letter from Shaanxi province petitioners addressed to Hu Jintao and Wang Yang.
The open letter stated that they were 550 representatives of rights-defending citizens from various regions of Shaanxi province, who have been initiating joint letters since 2013.
The letter accused that since Xi Jinping came to power, he has been constantly emphasizing the need to “eliminate black and evil forces,” “govern the country according to law,” “not forget the original intention, and remember the mission,” and “fight tigers and swat flies,” which have been mere rhetoric. However, during his tenure of over a decade, the number of wrongful cases in Shaanxi province has escalated dramatically, with various central government departments openly resorting to violent interception of petitioners, colluding to cover up countless cases of injustice that have been left unaddressed.
The letter mentioned that from May 2014 to July 2018, Xi Jinping issued six orders to dismantle the illegally built villas in the Qinling Mountains, but the task remained unfulfilled. It was only after sending Vice Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, Xu Lingyi, to personally lead the team that some of the villas were eventually demolished. However, there were rumors suggesting that Xi’s strong efforts to demolish the villas in the Qinling Mountains were motivated by concerns over impacting his “feng shui” rather than any genuine connection to the welfare of the people.
The letter revealed that Shaanxi province, being Xi’s hometown, has paradoxically turned into a lawless area under the guise of “governing the country according to law,” with an accumulation of wrongful cases going unaddressed and with no one daring to intervene or inquire into the situation. Despite the dispatch of sixteen central inspection teams during the 20th round of central inspections in 2025 to various regions across the country, Shaanxi province, being a major hotspot for wrongful cases, did not receive any inspection team during this cycle, leading to the question, “Are we, the people of Shaanxi province, not Chinese citizens? Is Shaanxi province a lawless land, a paradise for corrupt officials and a hell for its people?”
The letter mentioned the rumors that the central leadership is planning to rectify some ultra-leftist policies and promote the implementation of democratic supervision reform. The people of Shaanxi province wholeheartedly support this initiative and implore former national leaders Hu Jintao and Wang Yang to consider Shaanxi province as a pilot area for implementing the democratic supervision reform system to serve as a deterrent and a means to address the entrenched issues within the system.
The letter also included ten suggestions, summarized as follows:
1. People’s congress representatives should include a certain proportion of petitioner representatives to ensure hearing genuine public sentiments.
2. Abolish various petition departments and completely eradicate the stability maintenance industry chain.
3. Implement democratic voting, granting citizens the right to vote for the removal of local government officials who violate laws and regulations.
4. Replace the local management system with a cross-regional case handling system to prevent officials from exploiting their power relationships to persecute wronged individuals.
5. Abolish fabricated charges such as provocation and trouble-making, clearly defining illegal interception and holding accountable government officials across the country for illegally intercepting petitioners, and eliminating black jails.
6. Establish a Constitutional Court to scrutinize policies and regulations of various departments that contravene the constitution, fundamentally eradicating the social foundations that violate civil rights and create wrongful situations.
7. Ensure freedom of expression guaranteed by the constitution, allowing individuals to freely express their grievances through various channels. Crack down on the illegal practices of corrupt officials who censor public speeches and publications.
8. Change stability maintenance funds to funds for assisting individuals facing difficulty in defending their rights, providing a degree of assistance to citizens who have been killed, injured, disabled, starved, or died due to defending their rights.
9. Immediately release all rights-defending citizens who have been detained on trumped-up charges by corrupt officials from various regions.
10. Introduce successful judicial experiences from abroad to ensure equality before the law for all individuals.
In the author’s view, while petitioners across China have lodged numerous appeals and joint letters over the years, the public letter from Shaanxi petitioners directly accusing Xi Jinping, a retiree, and the “new central leadership,” is unprecedented and holds significant implications.
Xi Jinping’s hometown is in Fuping, Shaanxi, where his father, Xi Zhongxun, owns a cemetery covering 40,000 acres, and the Qinling Mountains are considered his “feng shui.” The current Shaanxi Provincial Party Secretary, Zhao Yide, is a prominent figure aligned with Xi’s faction. However, despite this, the region is plagued by widespread grievances and wrongful cases. The petitioners daringly point their fingers at Xi Jinping himself, expressing, “It has been said that the central leadership intends to rectify certain ultra-leftist policies,” indicating that internal power struggles within the CCP are spreading, and rumors of a forthcoming change in leadership have permeated Chinese society. The fact that ordinary people are now openly challenging the status quo reflects a shift in public sentiment, with Xi becoming the target of public discontent.
Hu Jintao, Wang Yang, and the late former Premier, Li Keqiang, are all associated with the “Youth League Faction.” At the 2022 20th National Congress of the CCP, the “Youth League Faction” was completely sidelined as Xi Jinping consolidated power. During the closing session of the Congress, Xi Jinping personally ordered the removal of Hu Jintao from the venue. In the power struggle that ensued, Li Keqiang and Wang Yang announced their withdrawal, and Hu Chunhua, once considered Hu Jintao’s designated successor, was also excluded from the Political Bureau.
However, since 2023, there have been new developments in Chinese politics, potentially forming the basis for Shaanxi petitioners’ bold move to appeal to the party elders against Xi Jinping.
Since June 2023, Xi Jinping’s trusted associates, whom he personally selected and promoted, have been falling from grace one after another, primarily in the military and defense systems. This purge has seen the downfall of two Defense Ministers, Wei Fenghe and Li Shangfu, as well as senior leaders from the Rocket Force, personally established by Xi Jinping. Several senior military officials have been removed from their posts, and many individuals who were claimed to be members of the Central Committee appointed by Xi have also faced repercussions.
Noteworthy among these developments is the fall of Miao Hua, Xi’s personnel chief in the military, in November of the previous year, and the months-long disappearance of another close aide of Xi, He Weidong, Vice Chairman of the Military Commission. Additionally, Li Ganjie, former Minister of the Organization Department, was demoted to Minister of the United Front Work Department in March of this year. These events are regarded as highly unusual.
Reputable sources have disclosed that while Xi Jinping appears to be in power nominally, the tide has turned against him. Former CCP elders like Wen Jiabao and Zhang Yesui have now become key players influencing Chinese political dynamics. Reports indicate that Xi Jinping began to lose influence since April of last year. Despite making several counterattacks, including resorting to force, all his efforts ended in failure. Reportedly, he is now merely going through the motions, obeying orders and playing a role.
Simultaneously, there were reports circulating earlier this month suggesting that a political bureau expanded meeting was convened by the “new central leadership” in Beijing, discussing the possibility of “disposing of Xi,” with the Fourth Plenary Session set to become a session holding Xi Jinping accountable. Various “high-level speeches” were all over the internet, proposing a preemptive plan of “Xi down, Wang up,” and more. There were even speculations that Wang Yang had assumed the duties of General Secretary from Xi Jinping, while hopes were also raised for Hu Chunhua’s comeback.
The authenticity of these rumors cannot be verified. However, historical precedents of regime changes, such as the downfall of the “Gang of Four,” were often accompanied by rampant rumors. Presently, these speculations have seeped into the Chinese officialdom and public sphere. The collective indictment of Xi by petitioners from his hometown in Shaanxi illustrates that he is indeed now bearing the brunt of public discontent, signaling his impending downfall.
Nevertheless, many discerning individuals acknowledge that for China to undergo significant change, mere reforms in the economic system or a change in leadership, including swapping out Xi or his faction, will not suffice. Breaking free from the shackles of the communist system is essential, as no individual coming into power under the Communist Party will be able to address the fundamental issues plaguing China, including the lack of genuine freedom, democracy, human rights, and rule of law.
However, while Xi stepping down might not singlehandedly transform the broader landscape of China, it could serve as a catalyst, an entry point for wider change.
For over 20 years, the influential “Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party” has been disseminated across China, profoundly impacting various strata of society. Coupled with decades of opening up reforms, the present-day Chinese populace’s awareness and insights differ significantly from those in the 1970s and 1980s. Additionally, it has been observed that during Xi’s decade-long tenure, his reinforcement of centralized power has deeply intertwined him with the CCP. Therefore, the removal of Xi could potentially lead to the end of the CCP, demonstrating that there may not necessarily be a conventional successor within the Party.
In the course of history, regime changes have occurred from both top-down and bottom-up methods, often influenced by various factors that interact with one another. In times of public unrest and governmental ineptitude, a deteriorating regime, despite its facade of strength, can crumble overnight, aligning with the ancient adage, “The same water that carries the boat can also capsize it.” Let us watch and wait for what unfolds next!