Today’s Focus: Wang Xiaohong’s power eroded, is the Special Security Bureau under Cai Qi’s control? Military proposes to “eradicate remaining poison” again, aiming at the Xi family army? Mainland economy slumps, major companies downsizing to survive.
On July 21st, the Chinese State Council announced a series of personnel appointments and dismissals, with the most notable being Ling Zhifeng, a member of the Public Security Department Party Committee and Director of the Political Department, appointed as Deputy Minister of the Public Security Department, concurrently serving as Director of the Political Department and Party Committee Secretary as well as Director of the Special Security Bureau. Analysts point out that the Special Security Bureau is responsible for monitoring top Chinese Communist leaders, and a change in its leadership may be related to internal struggles within the Xi family army.
Ling Zhifeng, aged 56, a native of Fuyang, Zhejiang, has held various positions in Zhejiang province for years, including serving as the Director of the Shaoxing Municipal Public Security Bureau, Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, Director of the Zhejiang Provincial Emergency Management Department, Secretary of the Jinhua Municipal Party Committee. In 2022, Ling Zhifeng was transferred to Guangxi as Vice Chairman and Director of the Public Security Department. In 2023, he was transferred to Beijing to serve as Director of the Political Department of the Public Security Department.
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang is also from Zhejiang, having served as Deputy Secretary, Secretary, and Governor of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee from 2011 to 2016. During this period, Ling Zhifeng served as Deputy Secretary of the Chun’an County Committee in Zhejiang Province, Member of the Shaoxing Municipal Party Committee, Director of the Municipal Public Security Bureau.
From Ling Zhifeng’s work experience, it is believed by outsiders that he belongs to the “Zhejiang faction,” aligned with Li Keqiang.
Commentator Li Linyi stated that in recent times, many of Public Security Minister Wang Xiaohong’s close associates have left the department. Those entering the top ranks of the Public Security Department or local public security have not established loyal ties to Wang Xiaohong. Furthermore, the Special Security Bureau of the Public Security Department has a unique function, responsible for protecting vice-ministerial-level leaders and visiting foreign dignitaries. Simply put, the Special Security Bureau not only safeguards but also monitors these figures. Therefore, whoever controls the Special Security Bureau holds the “supervisory authority” over senior officials. Since the newly appointed Ling Zhifeng is not part of Wang Xiaohong’s circle, this reshuffle may be related to internal power struggles within the Xi family army.
Regarding Ling Zhifeng taking charge of the Special Security Bureau, independent commentator Cai Shengkun stated in his program that Ling Zhifeng overseeing the Special Security Bureau signifies an increase in the importance of Cai Qi, the Head of the General Office of the Central Committee. Currently, the Central Security Bureau and Special Security Bureau have fallen under Cai Qi’s former subordinates.
Cai Shengkun noted that Ling Zhifeng was a former subordinate of Cai Qi. In the period from 2007 to 2010, Cai Qi served as Deputy Secretary and Mayor of Hangzhou. During this time, Ling Zhifeng was his subordinate, serving as Deputy Secretary and County Chief in Chun’an County, Hangzhou. Subsequently, when Cai Qi moved to the Zhejiang Provincial Committee Organization Department, Ling Zhifeng was promoted to Secretary of the Chun’an County Committee.
In May of this year, Cai Shengkun disclosed that the relationship between Cai Qi and Wang Xiaohong was very delicate. Despite both being close to Xi Jinping, Wang Xiaohong harbored ambitions to advance in hierarchy and as a countermeasure to Cai Qi, who managed the Central Security Bureau, he established the Special Security Bureau.
Cai Shengkun explained that traditionally the protection and monitoring of “Party and state leaders” were the responsibility of the Central Security Bureau. However, after Wang Xiaohong took over the Public Security Department, there was a thorough purge of existing staff, raising the standing of the Public Security Bureau and establishing the Special Security Bureau to carry out some of the functions of the Central Security Bureau. During the tenure of Ding Xuexiang as the Director of the General Office, Xi Jinping grew concerned about his own security, and subsequently the Director of the Central Security Bureau, Wang Shaojun, met an “abnormal death.” It is believed that Wang Xiaohong made significant efforts to have the “Special Security Bureau replace the Central Security Bureau” and speculations arose that the unusual death of the Central Security Bureau Director may have been orchestrated by the Public Security Special Security Bureau.
Cai Shengkun added that for a long period afterward, the primary monitoring of national and vice-ministerial level leaders was the responsibility of the Special Security Bureau. Following Ding Xuexiang’s entry into the standing committee, Cai Qi was put in charge of the Central Security Bureau, thus restoring its authority. Following this, Wang Xiaohong and Cai Qi engaged in a power struggle over the “monitoring of high-level leaders.” Now with Ling Zhifeng taking over the Special Security Bureau, it indicates a reduction in Wang Xiaohong’s power. The authority to “safeguard and monitor Party and state leaders” once again returns to Cai Qi.
Recently, the Central Military Commission issued a new document once again proposing to “completely eradicate the residual influence,” reshaping the image and credibility of military political cadres. However, this document did not explicitly name which high-ranking officials are considered to have left behind “poison,” leading to speculation.
It is recalled that when Xi Jinping first came to power, many senior military figures were subsequently investigated, such as former Vice-Chairmen of the Central Military Commission Xu Caihou, Guo Boxiong, and later Director of the Political Work Department Zhang Yang. In 2023, serious corruption was uncovered within the Rocket Force, with even the prior two Defense Ministers, Wei Fenghe and Li Shangfu, facing repercussions.
At the end of last year, Dong Miao, the Director of the Political Work Department of the Central Military Commission, fell from grace; and after March of this year, Vice Chairman of the Military Commission, He Weidong, has disappeared from public view. It was reported that He Weidong has also fallen from power.
It is pointed out by Radio France International that these pieces of information indicate that Xi Jinping has conducted multiple rounds of cleansing within the Chinese Communist Party. Why then is there a recent call for “completely eradicating the residual influence”? Does this indicate that the massive cleansing of the military in recent years has been merely superficial? If so, where does this leave Xi Jinping as the Chairman of the Military Commission? Who will take responsibility?
Furthermore, if it is admitted that the extensive cleansing of the military has been ineffective and riddled with flaws, necessitating the need to “completely eradicate the residual influence,” what exactly is meant by the residual influence and why the ambiguity?
The article suggests that in addition to thorough investigations, Xi Jinping personally holds “individual talks” with every potential member of the Central Committee, almost to the point of “hovering over them.” If these individuals are then suspected of loyalty issues, it raises doubts about Xi Jinping’s oversight in personnel matters.
What’s even more intriguing is that the new document emphasizes the need to “strengthen political loyalty” without specifying the reasoning behind it, leaving even more uncertainties. Radio France International suggests that this perhaps signals the brewing of a greater political storm.
In fact, the term “eradicate remaining poison” has long been mentioned since Xi Jinping consolidated power. For instance, following the downfall of figures like Bo Xilai, Zhou Yongkang, Ling Jihua, and Sun Zhengcai, official sources repeatedly underscored the need to eliminate the political influences left by them.
In terms of the military, notable figures like Xu Caihou, Guo Boxiong, Fang Fenghui, and Zhang Yang were previously singled out for being tainted with harmful influences. However, in recent years, such references have waned until the recent re-emergence.
Citing an interviewed scholar, the “completely eradicating residual influence” statement’s resurgence implies that there may be significant cases within the military involving political issues and questions related to personnel selection.
Taiwanese military expert Su Ziyun pointed out that the troubles faced by high-ranking political officers like Dong Miao indicate that even those handpicked by Xi Jinping cannot be relied upon.
Hong Zijie, Head of the Institute of Chinese Political and Military Operations at the Taiwan Institute for National Defense and Security Studies, remarked to Epoch Times indicating that the high levels of corruption within the political commissar system may shake the foundation of the entire Chinese Communist military, resulting in a weakening of the “Party commands the gun” efficiency.
In recent years, the mainland economy has been steadily declining, causing even previously financially stable major corporations to tighten their belts. In efforts to cut costs and enhance efficiency, companies like JD.com, Alibaba, and ByteDance have integrated their independent brand departments into their marketing, public relations, and user growth departments. It is said that this restructuring aims to allow brands to better serve “sales services” while reducing operational costs.
Recently, Chairman Zhou Hongyi of 360 released a video stating that the marketing department of 360 was inefficient and that investing resources into product development would be a better use. He mentioned, “I am ready to shut down the entire marketing department of 360, saving the company tens of millions of yuan annually.”
In reality, Zhou Hongyi’s bold statement to “shut down the entire marketing department of 360” is a desperate move by 360 in response to challenging market conditions.
Earlier, 360 released the profit forecast for the first half of 2025, predicting a net loss ranging from 240 million yuan to 320 million yuan.
In recent years, 360’s revenue has been consistently decreasing, with respective net profits for the years 2021 to 2024 being 902 million yuan, -2.204 billion yuan, -492 million yuan, and -1.094 billion yuan.
Some netizens revealed that Zhou Hongyi had already initiated the restructuring of 360 some time ago. One claimed to be a former marketing department employee and shared being laid off by the company as early as April this year.
Some users noted that the downsizing at 360 was significant, as an enterprise primarily focusing on network and system “security” had let go of many employees that the entire security department in Jinan was left with only one technical staff member. This highlights how once-prominent companies like 360 have drastically transformed.
360’s predicament is not an isolated case, as in recent years, the downturn in the mainland economy has led to revenue declines, prompting nearly all major corporations to streamline their organization to reduce costs and improve efficiency.
For example, companies like JD.com and Didi Chuxing dissolved their brand departments, merging them into their marketing divisions; Alibaba disbanded its group department, redistributing its functions into other business lines; ByteDance consolidated its “brand marketing and growth departments” to establish the “Growth Marketing Center”; dairy companies like Mengniu and Yili merged their “brand” and “digital marketing departments” to form the “Global Marketing Center,” and many more.
Moreover, to cope with the economic challenges, major corporations continue to adjust. Chinese media outlet “36Kr” reported that over the past year, Tencent, Alibaba, Bilibili, Meituan, Baidu, and Kuaishou underwent at least 12 organizational structure adjustments.
According to Mu Sheng Consulting’s “2024 China Corporate Platform Organizational Construction Report,” between 2023 and 2024, nearly 79.8% of companies underwent organizational reform, with 48.9% opting for streamlining back-office functions including finance, human resources, and administration.
Why is this so? Experts explain that in tough economic times, business owners are more focused on “survival.” While back-office functions are critical, lacking “combat capability” could lead to layoffs or restructuring.
Beyond departmental adjustments, even travel expenses have become a target for cost-cutting at major corporations. For instance, ByteDance and Ant Group critically scrutinize employee travel approvals, restrict non-essential travel for lower-ranked staff, and retroactively trace hotel orders for at least six months. Evidently, “saving where possible” has become the current consensus among large enterprises.
——Produced by Joy Moment Production Team