In accordance with the usual practice of the Chinese Communist Party, the end of July to early August is the time for senior members to intervene in the high-level political struggles at the Beidaihe Conference. Before this, there have been continuous personnel changes at the top levels of the CCP’s Ministry of Public Security, with particular attention being drawn to the change in leadership of the Special Security Bureau. Analysts have different views on the factional background of the new head of the Special Security Bureau, Ling Zhifeng, and the ebbs and flows of power among the senior CCP leadership.
July 21st, Ling Zhifeng, previously the Director of the Political Department of the Ministry of Public Security, was appointed as a Vice Minister of the Ministry, concurrently serving as the Secretary and Director of the Special Security Bureau. Three months ago, another Vice Minister of the Ministry of Public Security, Wang Zhizhong, stepped down as head of the Special Security Bureau and was appointed as the Director of the National Immigration Administration.
Ling Zhifeng, a native of Zhejiang province, has held various positions in Zhejiang, including County Governor and Secretary in Chun’an County, Hangzhou City, Director of the Public Security Bureau, Deputy Mayor, Deputy Secretary of the Municipal Party Committee, Secretary of the Political and Legal Committee, and in 2021 was appointed as Secretary of Jinhua City. He was transferred to Guangxi in 2022 and appointed Director of the Political Department of the Ministry of Public Security in 2023, until his recent appointment as Secretary and Director of the Special Security Bureau.
Independent commentator Cai Shengkun told Epoch Times on July 23rd that the Special Security Bureau of the Ministry of Public Security was established in early 2019, and when Wang Xiaohong headed the bureau, its influence reached its peak, to some extent replacing the Central Guard Bureau under the administration of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee. However, later on, with the promotion of Ding Xuexiang to the Standing Committee, the position of Director of the General Office was taken over by Cai Qi, and the power of the Central Guard Bureau was somewhat restored under Cai Qi.
According to publicly available information, the Central Guard Bureau is responsible for safeguarding the personal safety of the main leaders of the CCP and the main leaders of the military. The Special Security Bureau of the Ministry of Public Security is responsible for protecting the “four deputies and two highs,” including vice-chairpersons of the National People’s Congress, Vice Premiers and State Councilors, Vice Chairpersons of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, the President of the Supreme People’s Court, the Procurator General of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate, as well as foreign dignitaries visiting China, safeguarding the security of major events, and managing the International Peacekeeping Detachment among others.
Cai Shengkun stated that as Wang Xiaohong is already 68 years old, he will soon relinquish the position of Minister of Public Security. If it is not done at the Fourth Plenary Session, it will definitely happen at the 21st Congress. Therefore, Xi Jinping wants to entrust the Special Security Bureau to someone he can trust. Currently, Xi’s trust in Cai Qi has increased, and Ling Zhifeng is likely someone close to Cai Qi.
Cai Qi, originally from Fujian, had a long career in Fujian before being transferred to Zhejiang after 1999.
Cai Shengkun further mentioned that during Cai Qi’s tenure as Deputy Secretary and Mayor of Hangzhou from 2007 to 2010, Ling Zhifeng was the Deputy Secretary and County Governor of Chun’an County, a subordinate of Hangzhou. During Cai Qi’s tenure as head of the Organization Department of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee from 2010 to 2013, Ling Zhifeng was promoted to Secretary of Chun’an County Party Committee. Over the years, with Cai Qi’s promotion, Ling Zhifeng has also risen step by step. Of course, Ling Zhifeng also has connections with the current Premier Li Keqiang, but not as close as his direct superior-subordinate relationship with Cai Qi, indicating that his appointment to head the security bureau is a clear sign of Cai Qi’s control over the security department.
Premier Li Keqiang, a native of Ruian, Zhejiang Province, served as Deputy Secretary, Secretary-General, Secretary of the Political and Legal Committee, Deputy Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, and Governor of Zhejiang Province from 2011 to 2016. During this period, Ling Zhifeng successively served as Secretary of Chun’an County Party Committee in Zhejiang Province and Deputy Secretary of the Municipal Party Committee, Director of the Municipal Public Security Bureau.
American scholar Wu Zuolai believes that there is a redistribution of power among the senior levels of the CCP, with various factions vying for power. Ling Zhifeng, the newly appointed head of the Special Security Bureau, as a member of the Zhejiang faction being a native of Zhejiang, might have a closer relationship with Li Keqiang.
Senior American commentator Tang Jingyuan told Epoch Times that Ling Zhifeng’s relationship with Cai Qi may be closer, but recently Cai Qi has shown signs of distancing himself from Xi Jinping, such as not accompanying him on field research trips twice in a row. He appeared at the “77” incident commemoration ceremony alongside the Chairman of the Military Commission, Zhang Yuxia.
Tang Jingyuan stated that the Xi family’s military faction used to have so-called “Zhejiang faction,” “Fujian faction,” “Shaanxi faction,” “Tsinghua faction,” among others, but now these distinctions have lost their significance. At present, the entire power structure essentially consists of two major factions, one being the Xi Jinping faction and the other being the anti-Xi Jinping faction. He noted that there is now a fierce power struggle between these two factions, with many key figures originally affiliated with the Xi camp beginning to defect. Cai Qi is likely one of them.
Tang Jingyuan believes that as the Deputy Secretary of the Political Bureau in charge of party affairs, Cai Qi now controls the Central Guard Bureau, and with the appointment of Ling Zhifeng to head the Special Security Bureau, it means he has taken control of the entire security apparatus of the CCP’s top echelons. This also indicates that the senior CCP elders controlling the scenes may not fully trust Wang Xiaohong, who is close to Xi Jinping, ahead of the Beidaihe Conference.
On July 9th, Yang Weilin, former Director of the Public Security Department of Guangxi, was appointed as Vice Minister of the Ministry of Public Security, while the positions of Vice Ministers Chen Siyuan and Sun Maoli were removed.
After multiple changes this year, the top leadership of the Ministry of Public Security, aside from Minister Wang Xiaohong, includes Vice Ministers Qi Yanjun, Ren Airong, Xu Datong, Wang Zhizhong, Ling Zhifeng, Yue Xiuhu (Counter-Terrorism Commissioner), Yang Weilin, and Ministerial Assistant Liu Zhongyi according to official rankings.
Wang Xiaohong is recognized as a member of Xi Jinping’s Fujian faction, with Chen Siyuan, Sun Maoli, and Qi Yanjun being his loyal followers. Wang Zhizhong also had lengthy interactions with Wang Xiaohong during his time at the Ministry of Public Security. The newly appointed Vice Minister of Public Security this year, Yang Weilin, Ling Zhifeng, last year’s Counter-Terrorism Commissioner Yue Xiuhu, and the Vice Minister of Public Security Xu Datong appointed two years ago, had no direct interactions with Wang Xiaohong before joining the Ministry of Public Security.
Senior American commentator Tang Jingyuan analyzed to Epoch Times that the continuous changes in the top leadership of the Ministry of Public Security, especially the change in the head of the Special Security Bureau before the Beidaihe Conference, indicate that there is a significant shift in power taking place within the CCP.
He stated that since the investigation of Miao Hua started last year, a large number of senior officers close to Xi have encountered problems, including He Weidong, Lin Xiangyang, Wang Chunning, and more. The power of the CCP’s top leader mainly depends on the gun barrel, followed by the sword handle, and then the pen holder. With Xi’s control over the military weakened, the focus has now shifted to the sword handle. This resulted in the removal of Wang Xiaohong’s assistants and allies from their positions and the change in leadership of the Special Security Bureau.
Regarding the current changes in power dynamics within the CCP’s political and legal system, Cai Shengkun believes that the power is still in the hands of the so-called Zhejiang and Fujian factions. Chen Wenqing, Secretary of the Political and Legal Committee, has a background in Fujian, while Minister of State Security Chen Yixin was Xi Jinping’s secretary in Zhejiang. Minister of Public Security Wang Xiaohong has had a close relationship with Xi Jinping for several decades, and Cai Qi himself belongs to the Fujian faction. The factions of Xi’s Fujian faction and Zhejiang faction are now balancing each other, engaging in internal struggles, seeking recognition from Xi, while Xi remains vigilant against them. Therefore, as a member of the Political Bureau and the leader in charge of party affairs, power within the Organization Department remains in the hands of Xi’s comrade Chen Xi.
However, Cai Shengkun believes that as Xi’s age advances and his health deteriorates, as one approaches Xi’s later years, the struggle for power by his close associates will become more open and intense.
Wu Zuolai stated that apart from the recent changes in the Ministry of Public Security, there have been arrangements made for senior officials in various regions, including Hu Jintao’s son Hu Haifeng making a high-profile appearance. These developments indicate that the situation in Zhongnanhai is not strictly controlled by Xi Jinping but is diversified, continuing the game of decentralization and power-sharing.
He emphasized that Xi Jinping’s personal authoritarianism has already led to disastrous consequences, nullifying the achievements of several decades of reform and opening up within just ten years. The properties accumulated by ordinary people have turned into liabilities. However, the leaders of the party and state cannot go bankrupt, as they are all on the same boat. Therefore, there has been a change in the head of the Organization Department recently, marking the beginning of the layout for selecting provincial and ministerial-level cadres for the 21st Congress.
“(The CCP) faces huge crises nationally and internationally. With the Beidaihe Conference forthcoming and the Fourth Plenary Session on the horizon, whether there will be uneven distribution of power internally and whether Xi Jinping will strike back depends on the internal coordination at Beidaihe,” he said.
According to a report by Hong Kong media “Sing Tao Daily,” as per tradition, Beijing’s top leaders will head to the seaside city of Beidaihe in early August for an office-style vacation lasting two weeks. The CCP will convene a Political Bureau meeting by the end of this month, at which it is highly likely that the offenses of Miao Hua, former member of the Central Military Commission and head of the Ministry of Political Work, will be announced, followed by a large number of senior military officers being purged.
On the front page of the CCP’s military newspaper on July 21st, it was reported that the Central Military Commission recently issued regulations related to “comprehensively eliminating the impact of negative influences and reshaping the political cadre’s image and prestige,” requiring political cadres to strengthen their political loyalty.
Wu Zuolai stated that the ongoing cleansing of the military by the CCP is essentially a way of purging Xi Jinping’s proxies within the military, with influential figures like Zhang Yuxia, Liu Yuan, and others playing significant roles.