Taiwan is currently experiencing an unprecedented democratic storm. In the summer of 2025, all 31 legislators in Taiwan are facing recall, with voter referendums to take place in two waves on July 26 and August 23, marking an unprecedented “grand recall” in constitutional history. This action not only challenges the parliamentary power led by the blue and white cooperation but also reveals a new form of civic power within Taiwan’s democracy.
The countdown to the grand recall in Taiwan has begun, with the first round of voting scheduled for Saturday (26th), covering 24 Kuomintang legislators and one county mayor, spanning across the north, central, south, and east regions. This voting could potentially change the political landscape of the Legislative Yuan and even impact the local elections in 2026.
In recent days, both blue and green camps have been striving to express their appeals to more people. On Wednesday, Kuomintang legislator Zhang Zhilun invited Legislative Yuan President Han Kuo-yu to canvass for votes in Zhonghe, attracting many people to welcome them on the roadside. During a media interview, Han Kuo-yu cheered on the young Zhang Zhilun, calling him “the best legislator” and urging everyone to vote against recall.
The Democratic Progressive Party’s New Taipei City branch, in collaboration with civic groups and many legislators, initiated a “New Taipei comes to recall” motorcade campaign. The motorcade headed straight to Bali and Tamsui in the afternoon, with DPP legislator Wu Bing-rui, New Taipei City Councilor Zheng Yue-en, and the recalling of legislator Hong Meng-kai’s civic group, intensifying their promotional efforts in the final three days to urge voters.
As to why volunteers initiated the grand recall? On Wednesday (23rd), former chairman of United Microelectronics Corporation and founder of the Anti-Communist Alliance, Cao Xingcheng, explained in a Facebook post, “Because the Legislative Yuan has now become a dictatorial fighting arena. They pass laws without letting other legislators know the content beforehand and then vote on them forcibly. If the Democratic Progressive Party disagrees, they are harshly attacked.
“Laws passed in this way lack ‘procedural justice,’ the rule of law is undermined, and Taiwan will descend into chaos. We can reasonably suspect that this is exactly what the Chinese Communist Party wants—creating chaos in Taiwan before attacking it.”
He further questioned whether the 16 Kuomintang legislators who visited Beijing in April 2024 to meet with Wang Huning, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, intended to collaborate with the CCP to disrupt Taiwan’s democratic system. “This kind of covert behavior has lost the trust of the people, hence facing recall.”
Cao Xingcheng went on to write, “In addition to trust, another reason for the recall is justice. If legislators do not carefully study bills and instead engage in daily fights and insults, costing taxpayers tens of millions of dollars each year, of course, they should be recalled.”
The grand recall in Taiwan stems from the parliamentary reforms initiated by the Kuomintang and the People First Party in May 2024, leading to tens of thousands of people taking to the streets in protest. By the end of the year, blue and white legislators, taking advantage of their numerical superiority, passed contentious bills such as the Fiscal Allocation Act, the Constitutional Court Act, and the Public Officials Election and Recall Act, which were criticized for undermining the constitutional system. In January 2025, the national defense and central budget bills once again ignited social anger, and civic groups, after long incubation, finally formed the recall movement.
Former dean of the National Defense University’s Political Warfare Academy and participant in the civic recall movement, Yu Zongji, estimated that this recall could at least succeed in 10 seats, with Hualien becoming the most representative battleground. “The current Hualien legislator has monopolized local resources for 23 years. This time, prominent figures in the Taiwanese business community, such as former President of Carrefour Taiwan Xu Zhongren and Chairman of Pegatron Tong Zixian, have openly voiced support for recall, along with the support of many retired teachers and principals, the situation looks optimistic.”
Yu Zongji emphasized in an interview with Epoch Times, “Hualien is like the central headquarters, as long as we take down this stronghold, it symbolizes the success of the grand recall.”
However, Wang Zhisheng, a member of the China-Pacific Elite Exchange Association, cautioned that the momentum of the recall movement is not as strong as it was at its peak at the end of June. He estimated that the number of successful seats might only fall between 5 to 8. He told Epoch Times, “If the goal of achieving only 5 to 8 seats is met, it is still not considered a success for recall supporters and the need to reinforce the momentum of voter turnout.”
The Chinese Communist Party is also interfering in Taiwan’s grand recall. On Wednesday (23rd), Democratic Progressive Party Taipei City Councilor Hong Jianyi revealed on a political talk show that the Dongguan Taiwanese Investment Enterprises Association, together with Wing On Travel and FatDa Travel, provided 500 discounted tickets to Taiwan businessmen and their families, each ticket discounted by 880 yuan Renminbi. The offer was limited to four days from July 21 to July 25, just before the vote.
According to the Taiwanese research organization IORG, in the first half of 2025, official Chinese media and its affiliated social media accounts published about 425 articles and videos, referring to the recall as “green terror” and “dictatorial tyranny.” The Taiwan Affairs Office even called on the people not to recall Kuomintang legislators, sparking backlash among the Taiwanese public.
In response, Cao Xingcheng told Epoch Times when asked for comment, “The Chinese Communist Party is used to oppressing the Chinese people and now wants to bully the Taiwanese across the sea, which is simply disgraceful.”
Yu Zongji further pointed out that the Chinese Communist Party is trying to subvert Taiwan’s democratic system through the promotion of improper bills by blue and white legislators. “This is an action to input authoritarianism into Taiwan through chaotic procedures.”
Wang Zhisheng believes that Taiwan’s democracy has experienced many political trials, with the Chinese Communist Party often saying and doing too much, too wrong. Therefore, Beijing’s intervention this time is “restrained on the surface but deep inside,” though not resorting to traditional intervention methods like encouraging Taiwanese businessmen to return home, they are conducting an opinion war through media operations, social media promotion, and combining blue camp arguments.
He also warned that the Chinese Communist Party might continue its operations under the surface during Taiwan’s 2026 and 2028 elections, posing a greater threat to democracy.
One significant feature of this grand recall movement is the convergence of different political ideologies. Traditionally, there were disagreements between the anti-China faction and the anti-Communist supporters within the Republic of China system, but now, in response to the common enemy, the Chinese Communist Party, historical disputes have been set aside for the time being, and a united front against communism has been formed.
In a special video produced by the online media outlet “The Reporter,” Wu Jiemin, a researcher at the Institute of Sociology at the Academia Sinica, analyzed that this appeal centered around “anti-communism,” allowing sincere anti-Communists within the Kuomintang system to emerge. Retired Air Force pilot “Eagle Dad” Xu Baiyue said, “Our lifelong belief in anti-communism can be destroyed within a year by them. We deep-blue supporters must stand up.”
Led by Cao Xingcheng, the “Anti-Communist Alliance for Defending Taiwan Volunteers” platform integrates influencers, self-media, and volunteers from various regions, forming a civic force different from before, reminiscent of the civic awakening after the 2014 Sunflower Movement. However, this movement is more grassroots, decentralized, and pure this time.
Momo, a member of the Taipei City recall group, is a white-collar worker and a young mother. She said, “Regardless of your political party in Taiwan, whether in power or in opposition, they are worthy of our support as the people. What we reject is the invasion of the red power of the (Communist) country.”
As the majority party, the Kuomintang legislator serving as the Legislative Yuan President, Han Kuo-yu, declared, “If the grand recall succeeds, Taiwan’s democracy will be in vain.” However, Cai Kaluo, a textile industry practitioner and a member of the recall group, expressed concern, “I firmly believe that if this grand recall is not successful, the Communist Party will come in.” She has applied for unpaid leave from the company to fully promote the recall since March.
Another significant feature of the grand recall is the rise of the tribal movement. According to “The Reporter,” these volunteers state that their motives are very simple, focusing solely on the recall.
Momo, a member of the Taipei City recall group, said, “We are not seeking official positions; we just feel this is something that should be done. Whether the grand recall succeeds or fails, I will return to my original life.” She emphasized that this was a grassroots movement, with volunteers with no demands and thus no fears.
Pastor Chen Xiaowei, a leading figure in the Taoyuan recall group, pointed out that over half of the volunteers who joined the recall activities in that district were housewives, stating that the stable female force in Taiwan is the biggest force in the recall movement.
Unlike members of the Sunflower Movement in the past, who largely had a background in social sciences and had participated in prolonged protests, the participants in this recall movement mostly have no political experience. They come from various professions, including textile workers, marketing specialists at technology companies, teachers, young mothers, largely ordinary working-class individuals who have never been involved in social movements before.
This movement exhibits a highly grassroots mobilization character. Volunteers take to the streets, set up stalls, hold signs on the roads, and persuade household by household, creating a wealth of online content, like artists voluntarily creating promotional short films and songs, forming a rare “atypical election between amateurs and legislators.”
Most civic groups are political outsiders without election experience, with blue camp legislators complaining that the most troublesome aspect of competing against “civilians” is their unpredictable behavior, leading to tense moments in this election.
Kuomintang legislator Lai Shibo mentioned that the most challenging aspect of countering the recall is not knowing where the enemy lies, describing it as a once in a hundred-year battle. These volunteers are also voters, so they can only extensively canvass the grassroots and seek public support.
The ultimate outcome of the recall is still pending the election results. However, this movement undoubtedly reveals a new and powerful civic force—ordinary voices, nameless, without vested interests or power, yet determined to defend the core values of Taiwan’s democracy.