In the past two years, the relationship between Xi Jinping and the Deputy Chairman of the Military Commission, Zhang Youxia, both second-generation reds, has attracted much attention amidst the Chinese Communist Party’s military crackdown. Some analysts suggest that Xi’s previous cleansing of Zhang’s faction led to a backlash from the latter. With a series of conflicts between Xi and a group of second-generation reds since he took office, he has made many enemies, leaving him in a precarious position. The ultimate power struggle among the second-generation reds within the CCP may bring the demise of the red political regime.
On May 25th, independent commentator Cai Shenkun analyzed in a self-media program that after the 20th National Congress of the CCP, Xi Jinping initiated an anti-corruption campaign within the army, with Zhang Youxia being the first target. Although the campaign did not directly target Zhang, many of his close associates nurtured by Zhang, including Li Shangfu and a group of generals from the Rocket Force and the Strategic Support Force, were thoroughly purged.
Cai Shenkun mentioned that as Zhang’s associates were purged, Zhang himself experienced a long period of low morale, missing several important meetings. However, in the second half of last year, there was a sudden turn of events as the anti-corruption campaign within the military shifted its focus to Xi Jinping’s loyalists originating from the 31st Army. This was seen as Zhang Youxia’s move to retaliate and start cleansing Xi Jinping’s faction.
Since last year, Xi Jinping’s close friend in the military, Miao Hua, Director of the Political Work Department of the Military Commission, has been investigated, and Deputy Chairman of the Military Commission, He Weidong, remains missing to this day.
Despite being able to easily bring down many senior military officials upon taking office, such as Guo Boxiong, Xu Caihou, Fang Fenghui, and Zhang Yang, who were grassroots without red or military background, when it comes to targeting Zhang Youxia, the second-generation reds linked to him are extremely dissatisfied with Xi. They are unwilling to bow down, causing a deadlock. When Zhang Youxia was pushed to the edge, he had no choice but to fight back. Influential old military figures such as Chi Haotian, Fu Quanyou, Yu Yongbo, Cao Gangchuan, and the late Zhang Zhen were all former subordinates of Zhang Youxia’s father, Zhang Zongxun, giving Zhang the confidence to challenge Xi Jinping.
Current affairs commentator Li Linyi told Epoch Times that Xi Jinping has offended many second-generation reds since taking office, and Zhang Youxia might be the latest and possibly the last one who can confront Xi Jinping among the second-generation reds.
“Princelings” and second-generation reds are terms used by contemporary Chinese to refer to children of senior CCP officials. Xi Jinping is a true “princeling” as his father, Xi Zhongxun, was a former member of the CCP Politburo and held positions as Vice Premier and Vice Chairman of the National People’s Congress.
The internal splits among the second-generation reds have long been public, mainly divided between leftists and rightists, with a subset identifying as “politically neutral” after entering the business sector.
In February 2022, a video circulated online showed second-generation red Yang Xiaoping stating during his 80th birthday celebration, “I am confident to see the day when China implements constitutional democracy,” calling it “an extraordinary historic turning point.” He received applause and praise from guests present at the event, including Hu Dehua, the third son of former CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang.
General Yang Yong, Yang Xiaoping’s father, served as Deputy Chief of Staff of the PLA and a member of the Central Military Commission in 1977. Among the attendees at the gathering were also Hu Yaobang’s son, Hu Dehua.
Hu Dehua, who once held the position of Vice President of Yanhuang Chunqiu, a publication considered a stronghold of reformists within the party, passed away on March 30th this year. In April 2013, Hu Dehua criticized Xi Jinping at a gathering in Yanhuang Chunqiu’s editorial office, mocking Xi for his lack of extensive reading, leading Xi to impose a ban on his speeches.
Hu Yaobang’s support for Xi’s father, Xi Zhongxun, was helpful as Hu Dehua, Hu Yaobang’s son, and Hu Dehua held differing political views from Xi. They were considered reformists.
According to Australian scholar Feng Chongyi, following the closure of Yanhuang Chunqiu, a bastion of reformist and democratic elements, by Xi Jinping in 2016, the rift between the reformist second-generation reds and Xi became irreconcilable.
Additionally, retired cadre from Yunnan University, Zi Su, advocated for direct elections of the CCP General Secretary in a public letter in 2017, calling for Xi Jinping to step down and endorsing Hu Deping as the new General Secretary. Commentator Wang Gong suggested that this might have fueled Xi Jinping’s greater resentment towards Hu Deping.
A source knowledgeable about Beijing mentioned that during his youth, Xi Jinping suffered during the “Mao Zedong era,” and his family underwent persecution with little assistance. He harbors a grudge against Mao Zedong, who mistreated his father, as well as against Deng Xiaoping for failing to fully implement rehabilitation policies for his father, and almost all his second-generation red peers who fared better than him back then.
During the Mao Zedong era, when Xi Jinping was only 9 years old, his father Xi Zhongxun was labeled a counter-revolutionary and spent eight years in prison during the Cultural Revolution. In 1962, Xi Zhongxun became the ringleader of the “anti-Party group,” with Deng Xiaoping, the then CCP General Secretary, spearheading the campaign against him.
As the son of a persecuted counter-revolutionary, Xi Jinping faced disdain from other reds who escaped unscathed during that tumultuous era. At the age of 13, during a speech criticizing the Cultural Revolution, Xi Jinping was confined in the courtyard of the Central Party School. During a struggle session where attendees shouted to overthrow Xi Jinping, his mother was forced to raise her hand and chant slogans against her son.
Xi Jinping was unable to enlist in the military, unlike other reds of his generation, and was compelled to become a sent-down youth in northern Shaanxi. He faced numerous challenges in securing admission to university under the category of worker-peasant-soldier students.
After the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping initially opposed the rehabilitation of Xi Zhongxun. Although Deng eventually allowed Xi Zhongxun’s return to public life, he was not reinstated in his former position as Vice Premier, being assigned to work in Guangdong Province instead of Beijing. Sources suggest that this resentment towards the second-generation reds of the Deng era lingered with Xi Jinping.
In 2017, Xi Jinping personally orchestrated the arrest of Deng Xiaoping’s granddaughter’s husband and the founder of Anbang Group, Wu Xiaohui. The Deng family attempted to distance themselves, claiming that Deng Xiaoping’s granddaughter had divorced Wu. Wu Xiaohui was sentenced to 18 years in prison for fundraising fraud on May 10, 2018, with massive assets confiscated.
Following Xi Jinping’s constitutional amendment for re-election as the President in March 2018, Fang Liqin, an old friend of Deng Pufang from the Cultural Revolution era, openly criticized Xi Jinping for cultivating a cult of personality and abolishing term limits through the amendment. At the time, Fang was surrounded by campus security guards at Peking University but was not forcefully removed. This incident caused a stir, deepening the resentment between Xi and the Deng family.
Xi Jinping’s recent shift towards a more leftist ideology has caused discontent among many within the establishment, with anti-Xi forces seizing the opportunity to align with the Deng family, using the banner of “reform and opening up” to pressure Xi Jinping.
Deng Xiaoping’s eldest son, Deng Pufang, stepped down from a senior position in the CCP Revolutionary Committee in 2023. Deng Xiaoping’s only grandson, Deng Zuodi, who once held a position in the government, has also exited the political arena. Members of the Deng family have been purged from the political scene, no longer posing a threat to Xi Jinping.
To climb the political ladder, Xi Jinping remained reserved and discreet from Hebei to Fujian, then to Zhejiang and Shanghai. When Xi formally took office in October 2012, the high-ranking officials around him were arranged by senior CCP members, and he refrained from making hasty decisions. Ambitious second-generation red Bo Xilai, who sought to compete with Xi Jinping, had already fallen from grace before Xi took office, resulting in his imprisonment post Xi’s ascension. Xi Jinping subsequently ordered Bo’s imprisonment for human rights violations.
Liu Yuan, the son of former CCP Chairman Liu Shaoqi and a senior general in the military, is one of the top figures among the princelings.
Liu Yuan previously served as the political commissar for the Academy of Military Sciences and the General Logistics Department, assisting then-CCP General Secretary Hu Jintao in purging the military “big tiger,” Deputy Minister of the General Logistics Department, Gu Junshan. In November 2012, Beijing journalist Gao Yu revealed in an article on Deutsche Welle that Liu Yuan had the opportunity to join the 18th Central Military Commission but mysteriously did not.
Liu Yuan aided Xi Jinping in removing figures associated with the Jiang faction, such as General Guo Boxiong and General Xu Caihou, and it was widely expected Liu Yuan would ascend to even higher leadership roles within the Central Military Commission, possibly serving as the Secretary of the Military Commission Discipline Inspection Commission. However, in 2015, Liu Yuan inexplicably withdrew from military and political life without reaching retirement age, relegated to an unimportant position in the National People’s Congress Standing Committee. Currently, Liu Yuan is fully retired.
Commentator Li Linyi analyzed that Xi Jinping is intolerant of rivals, despite Liu Yuan being a victim of the Cultural Revolution, with his father even dying from persecution. Liu Yuan’s contributions to the anti-corruption campaign within the military were commendable, but his standing within the princeling group far exceeded Xi Jinping’s. Xi viewed retaining Liu Yuan as unfavorable to his future plans for absolute power, making Liu Yuan the first target among Xi’s second-generation red comrades to be eliminated after Xi took office.
Liu Yazhou is another second-generation red who faced severe repercussions from Xi Jinping.
Born in October 1952, Liu Yazhou’s father, Liu Jiande, served as the Deputy Political Commissar of the Lanzhou Military Region, while his wife, Li Xiaolin, is the daughter of former CCP Chairman Li Xiannian.
Despite experiencing the Cultural Revolution in his youth, Liu Yazhou was considered fortunate. Instead of being sent to the countryside as a “sent-down youth” like others, Liu Yazhou entered the enviable world of the military. Marrying Li Xiaolin, he quickly became one of the wealthiest second-generation reds at the apex of the CCP hierarchy. In July 2012, Liu Yazhou rose to the rank of Air Force General.
In 2002, Liu Yazhou was selected by Jiang Zemin to attend the National Defense University training program for officers above regular rank. Known as the so-called “Dragon Class” within the military, Liu Yazhou was one of three majors chosen from the Air Force. Liu Yazhou proclaimed that future military leadership might be drawn from the participants, with prospects for even higher leadership positions.
Liu Yazhou once served as the Political Commissar of the National Defense University, but by early 2017, before reaching the age of 65, he retired early.
In 2021, reports surfaced about Liu Yazhou’s disappearance. It wasn’t until March 2023 that democracy activist Wang Juntao told Epoch Times that Liu Yazhou had been sentenced to life imprisonment. To date, the CCP has not issued any official notification or explanation regarding the matter.
Wang Juntao believed that Liu Yazhou’s troubles might stem from his differing views on the potential Taiwan Strait conflict, CCP military reforms, the mission of the red second generation, etc., in contrast to Xi Jinping’s opinions, prompting Xi to crack down on red second-generation members with similar thoughts.
Ren Zhiqiang, a business-oriented second-generation red who dared to speak out, was dealt with by Xi Jinping. Ren was highly praised by the public for his outspokenness. In March 2020, Ren Zhiqiang criticized Xi Jinping’s epidemic prevention and control policies in a signed article, accusing Xi of exploiting the pandemic to strengthen party rule and his personal authority, likening it to “a naked emperor insisting on being king even without clothes.” In September of the same year, Ren Zhiqiang was heavily sentenced to 18 years in prison on charges of corruption. It was widely believed that his downfall was a result of his outspoken views.
Wang Qishan, the former Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, who often associated with Ren Zhiqiang, was frequently linked to the second-generation red category due to his father-in-law being CCP veteran Yao Yilin. During Xi’s second term, Wang Qishan only held a ceremonial position as Vice President. Many of Wang Qishan’s close allies were removed from their positions of power.
Under the arrangements of CCP senior leaders Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping, the princelings once wielded significant influence and were prominent figures in Chinese politics. However, the political landscape of the CCP has seen a significant decline in princelings holding positions at the provincial and ministerial level. In fact, the second-generation reds have mostly aged, with the vast majority having moved into business pursuits, unconcerned with politics. The third-generation reds, including descendants of Deng Xiaoping and Ye Jianying, have transitioned into the business sector, with most leading low-key lives outside the limelight.
Among Xi Jinping’s top leadership team, the only remaining princeling is Zhang Youxia. Regarding Zhang’s retention as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission even though he exceeded the retirement age at the 20th National Congress, initial opinions suggested it was because of the long-standing relationships between the Xi and Zhang families, with Xi Jinping needing Zhang Youxia’s support.
However, according to Cai Shenkun’s revelations, Xi Jinping intended to have Zhang Youxia step down from his roles in the Politburo and Vice Chairman of the Military Commission during the 20th National Congress. However, the military’s representatives unanimously supported Zhang Youxia’s continued role, resulting in He Weidong failing to replace Zhang Youxia as the primary Vice Chairman and being relegated to second position. Xi Jinping’s decision to retain Zhang Youxia was cautious and guarded, originally planning for He Weidong to succeed Zhang Youxia and Miao Hua to take over as the Vice Chairman overseeing political work. Xi Jinping thus used the anti-corruption campaign as a pretext to cleanse Zhang Youxia’s associates.
With several of Xi’s military associates like Miao Hua facing troubles recently, rumors of Xi Jinping losing real power have been circulating. Cai Shenkun believes that discussions must have taken place among Zhang Youxia and a large group of former military leaders regarding Xi Jinping’s actions, which likely prompted Zhang Youxia to begin taking action against Xi Jinping.
In recent years, Xi Jinping has failed to learn from past political movements initiated by Mao Zedong; instead, he openly praises Mao and applies left-leaning ideologies in both domestic and foreign policies, escalating the CCP’s internal crisis.
On numerous occasions, Xi Jinping has proclaimed the slogan “protect the red territory and prevent any change in color.” Australian scholar Feng Chongyi previously told Epoch Times that the CCP will not last indefinitely, and its expiry date will be tied to the end of the red second generation headed by Xi Jinping. As Feng Chongyi stated, “Once the CCP collapses to a certain extent, it will crumble.”
Li Linyi expressed to Epoch Times that the CCP, claiming to have secured a red political landscape, may ultimately collapse during the final power struggle among the red second generation. This would signify the end of a new China without the Communist Party.