Taiwan welcomed the largest political wave since the Wild Lily student movement in 1990 – the “Great Recall Movement”. This grassroots movement targeting several parliamentarians aims to use the recall mechanism provided by the constitution to correct the current situation where representatives are out of touch with public opinion. The movement not only focuses on recalling individual lawmakers but also impacts the overall power structure of the parliament and the direction of Taiwan’s democracy.
As of May 9th, among the 35 pan-blue legislators subject to recall, 28 citizen groups from various constituencies have submitted petitions to the Election Commission. There have been no petitions submitted by any groups to recall the green camp legislators among the 15 pan-green legislators. Preliminarily, it is estimated that a total of 1.3 million signed recall petitions have been submitted across Taiwan.
On May 9th, international media and founder of the Indo-Pacific Strategic Think Tank, Aioi Akio, expressed at a gathering in Miaoli, Taiwan that this recall movement is a concrete demonstration of the maturity and resilience of Taiwan’s civil society. He emphasized that the deeper meaning of the recall is to declare to the world the path Taiwan wishes to take: to stand with the camp of freedom and democracy or to flow with the camp of dictatorship?
He stressed that in the face of pro-Communist parliamentarians disrupting the constitution and governance, the people of Taiwan are using the democratic mechanism to “correct” and remove unsuitable parliamentarians.
Akio pointed out recent media reports from publications like The Economist in the UK, Foreign Policy in the US, and Toyo Keizai in Japan, which have biasedly portrayed Taiwan’s government as “provoking China” or “unable to accept election defeat”, which he believes to be misrepresentations. This highlights Taiwan’s need to strive for its own voice and make the world understand what the people of Taiwan want and do not want.
He urged, “At this moment, the US is establishing a new international order, Taiwan must choose to stand on the side of freedom and democracy to be the Taiwan of the world, not the Taiwan of China.”
President Lai Ching-te, in a recent interview with Business Weekly, pointed out that this recall is part of the constitutional mechanism and the key lies in whether the Legislative Yuan can respond to society’s expectations. “Bodhisattva for the cause, sentient beings for the result”, this recall is initiated by citizen groups, and no one can stop it. To address the recall issue, one must first address the lawmakers’ performance.
He noted that recalls can be categorized into “just” and “unjust” recalls: the former is a constitutional act based on public opinion, initiated by citizens voluntarily and carried out according to the law; the latter is political manipulation by parties for political gain without a basis in public opinion. “Disparaging just recalls as unjust is a disrespect to citizens’ rights and the constitution,” he urged all lawmakers to reform in accordance with public opinion and let society return to rational dialogue.
He also mentioned that earlier this year, when coordinating budget issues with the Legislative Yuan President Han Kuo-yu and Executive Yuan Premier Cho Jung-tai, he had shown goodwill in hopes of collaboration to resolve issues but ultimately, due to the Kuomintang caucus’s refusal to commit, it led to the continued parliamentary deadlock.
Veteran media personality and current affairs commentator Liao Hsiao-jun described this recall as lasting longer than a presidential election campaign timeline. “When civil voices calling for recalls surfaced in June last year, many were skeptical, but the results of the second-stage petition submission have shocked everyone.”
At the gathering on May 9th, representatives of the recall group stated, “Recall is a right given to the people by the constitution. Despite facing attacks and threats, we are not afraid. We extend our deepest respect to all brave Taiwanese who have come forward to sign the recall petitions.”
They emphasized that promoting recalls is not a party operation but a response to legislative chaos, driven by a sense of responsibility to protect the democratic system. Volunteers brave the sun or rain, visit various places to set up stalls to explain, and persuade people to sign.
It is noteworthy that this recall transcends the blue-green divide. Pro-unification media personality Huang Chih-hsien expressed rare support: “I advocate for unification, while most recall volunteers support Taiwan independence. These individuals have not received money but have voluntarily shouldered the petition operation based on their beliefs, which is remarkable.”
She stressed, “Taiwan only has a population of 23 million, yet 1.3 million people have bravely left their personal information and signed the recall petitions. This is the true power of the citizens, not to be underestimated, and the Kuomintang should not oppose public opinion.”
Legislator Shen Po-yang pointed out that the recalls originated from the illegal expansion of powers and pro-Communist proposals by the blue (Kuomintang) and white (People’s Party) legislators in the parliament.
He listed several controversial bills:
– The expansion of parliamentary powers, which aimed to summon private enterprises such as TSMC for questioning, was deemed unconstitutional by the Grand Justices.
– Abolition of the Constitutional Court: A Legislative Yuan proposal to strip the court of its constitutional review function, leaving no avenue for rectifying unconstitutional acts.
– Loosening of policies regarding Chinese spouses: Shortening the time for Chinese spouses to obtain residency permits, raising concerns of “population washing”.
– Infiltration vulnerabilities on outlying islands: An amendment to the “Outlying Islands Development Act” attempts to allow Chinese company vessels to enter without scrutiny, potentially leading to “product washing”.
– Reduction in defense budget: The “Budget Planning Law” proposes cutting the central budget by NT$370 billion annually, which will significantly impact national defense and administrative functions.
Shen emphasized, “Currently, the parliament is not only violating legal procedures but is structurally causing Taiwan to lose its capability to respond to war and self-defense within two years.”
According to executive branch data, Taiwan’s defense budget for the fiscal year 2024 is approximately NT$440 billion. If the Budget Planning Law continues to cut NT$370 billion in central resources annually, it is almost equivalent to an entire year’s defense spending, which would have a significant impact on national security.
Liao Hsiao-jun warned that if the parliament continues to be dominated by blue, white, and red forces for an extended period, not only will the executive be unable to function properly, but fundamental institutions such as the “National Security Law” and the president’s authority as supreme military commander may also be at risk of manipulation, with worrying consequences.
“If the president is unable to declare martial law in the face of a national security crisis, this will not only paralyze the government but also erode the country’s system.”