On November 29, 2024, a top general of the Chinese Communist Party’s navy, a member of the Central Military Commission, and a confidant of the Party leader Xi Jinping, Miao Hua, was confirmed to be under investigation. The impact of this incident on Xi Jinping’s military authority has elicited varying views from experts interviewed by Epoch Times. Some analysts pointed out several peculiar aspects in the handling of Miao Hua by the authorities.
The Chinese Ministry of National Defense spokesperson, Wu Qian, announced during a routine press conference on the 28th of November that “Miao Hua, a member of the Central Military Commission and the Director of the Political Work Department of the Military Commission, is suspected of serious violations of discipline. After research by the Party Central Committee, it was decided to suspend Miao Hua for inspection.” Wu Qian did not provide details of the “serious violations of discipline” by Miao Hua and did not disclose the duration of Miao Hua’s “suspended inspection”.
This information was only reported by foreign media initially, and the Chinese official announcement of Miao Hua being “suspected of serious violations of discipline” and placed under suspension came later in the day.
Miao Hua, 69, originally from Jiangsu Province, was born in Fuzhou, Fujian Province, and served in the former Nanjing Military Region for a long time. He first moved across military regions to the former Lanzhou Military Region in 2010, serving as the Director of the Political Department, Deputy Political Commissar and Secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission, and Political Commissar. His career accelerated after the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party when he transitioned from the “land” to the “sea,” being transferred to the navy as the Political Commissar. In 2017, he became the Director of the Political Work Department of the Central Military Commission and was promoted to the Commission member.
Due to Miao Hua’s long service in the 31st Army of the Nanjing Military Region stationed in Fujian and his close relationship with Xi Jinping, who served in Fujian in his early career, he has been under scrutiny.
Shen Mingshi, Director of the National Security Institute at Taiwan’s Institute for National Defense and Security Studies, stated in an interview with Epoch Times that Miao Hua, who emerged from the 31st Group Army, played an important role during the purging of Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou. He emphasized that regardless of personnel appointments or organizational activities related to party building and anti-corruption measures, the political work system plays a crucial role. Shen Mingshi noted the significance of an incident where a high-ranking general, promoted by Xi Jinping’s close circle and having undergone two terms in the Central Military Commission, was now apprehended.
The Director of the Institute of Communist Political-Military Affairs and Operational Concepts at the National Defense Institute of Taiwan, Ou Xifu, told Epoch Times that the political commissar system under Miao Hua’s purview is responsible for monitoring the military to ensure its loyalty to the CCP. With problems arising in the political commissar system, confusion has emerged between the party and military leadership.
Hung Zijie, a research fellow at the Institute of Communist Political-Military Affairs and Operational Concepts of the National Defense Institute of Taiwan, believed that Miao Hua’s downfall represents a new trend in the authorities’ cleansings. The emergence of the term “Xi family army” is aimed at distinguishing it from the non-Xi family army, seeking to eliminate political opponents while attracting supporters. Miao Hua’s troubles indicate the decline of the so-called Xi family army’s dominance and make him a target for Xi Jinping’s crackdown.
Deputy Researcher at the National Defense and Security Research Institute of Taiwan, Gong Xiangsheng, also stated that Miao Hua was considered a member of Xi’s Fujian-Jiang New Army. His downfall signals the beginning of the crackdown on those close to Xi. If Miao Hua was targeted by Zhang Yuxia, the implications would be different as it could be a counterattack against Xi.
Before the fall of Wei Dong and Li Shangfu, aside from Xi Jinping, Zhang Yuxia, and He Weidong in the Central Military Commission, there are still two other members, Zhang Shengmin and Liu Zhenli. Currently, Miao Hua’s name remains on the “top” list of the Ministry of National Defense website.
In the midst of the recent reports of Liu Zhenli, Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and Lin Xiangyang, Commander of the Eastern Theater Command, being investigated, it is intriguing as they are members of different factions. Lin Xiangyang is aligned with He Weidong, while Liu Zhenli, with combat experience from the Sino-Vietnamese War, was a subordinate of Zhang Yuxia in the past. The potential simultaneous sanctioning of these two individuals from different factions suggests an internal struggle within the Central Military Commission.
Xi Jinping’s grip on power has largely eliminated Jiang Zemin’s and Hu Jintao’s factions. However, this has left senior military officials feeling insecure, given Xi’s own insecurities and suspicions. Zhang Yuxia, albeit lacking significant political ambitions, has been pushed into a corner. Additionally, individuals like He Weidong, who are loyal to Xi, have prevented Zhang Yuxia from completely eradicating Xi’s influence.
Wang He, an expert on China issues, pointed out the complexity and strangeness surrounding Miao Hua’s downfall, including the fact that his suspension for inspection differed significantly from previous cases involving high-ranking officials. This indicates that Xi Jinping still wants to protect Miao Hua rather than directly subjecting him to the scrutiny of the state supervisory commission.
Moreover, the announcement by the Chinese Ministry of National Defense spokesperson mentioning that the handling of Miao Hua involved “research by the Party Central Committee” was an unusual public articulation, hinting at the growing openness of power struggles between the Central Military Commission and the Party Central Committee.
Amidst internal struggles, the operational role of the Central Military Commission itself in commanding combat operations remains doubtful under prevailing issues.