【Epoch Times, December 12, 2025】Currently, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) military cleanse is still ongoing. Due to the opaque nature of CCP politics, especially within the military, it is difficult to determine which senior military officials have been purged. However, based on circumstantial evidence and leaks from overseas sources, some conclusions can be drawn.
As a CCP political observer, I have been closely monitoring the fate of “military chief secretary” Zhong Shaojun, who has been by Xi Jinping’s side for the longest time. From my observations and analysis, it appears that Zhong Shaojun is currently under covert investigation by the military discipline inspection commission.
Zhong Shaojun, 57 years old, was born in Kaihua County, Zhejiang Province. After graduating from Hangzhou University, he began working in the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee. In 2002, when Xi Jinping was transferred from Fujian Province to become the Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee, he did not bring his own secretary. The Zhejiang Party Committee assigned the 34-year-old Zhong Shaojun as Xi’s secretary. It is said that Zhong has a high emotional intelligence and is skilled in serving leaders, earning Xi’s admiration. Zhong Shaojun is the only member of the “Zhijiang New Army” that Xi brought from Zhejiang to Shanghai and then to Beijing.
From 2002 to 2024, Zhong Shaojun served as Xi’s personal secretary for 22 years, spanning Xi’s journey from a provincial leader to the pinnacle of the CCP hierarchy.
In March 2007, when Xi was appointed as the Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, Zhong Shaojun was transferred to the position of Deputy Director of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Office. In October 2007, at the 17th National Congress of the CCP, Xi was “elected” as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee and the Secretary of the Central Secretariat. Zhong Shaojun then followed Xi to Beijing and served as his secretary, also concurrently serving as the head of the Political Section of the Central Office of the Secretariat of the Central Committee.
In November 2012, at the 18th National Congress of the CCP, Xi was “elected” as the General Secretary of the Central Committee and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission. In June 2013, Zhong Shaojun was appointed as the Deputy Director of the General Office of the Central Military Commission and the Director of the Chairman’s Office of the Central Military Commission. In August 2017, he was appointed as the Director of the General Office of the Central Military Commission and the Director of the Chairman’s Office of the Central Military Commission. He also served as the Director of the Office for Reform and Organization of the Central Military Commission, the Director of the Office of the Leading Group for Deepening National Defense and Military Reform of the Central Military Commission, and a member of the Military Election Committee.
Despite never serving a day in the military, Zhong Shaojun was conferred with the rank of Colonel by Xi in 2013, promoted to Major General in 2016, and promoted to Lieutenant General in 2019.
The General Office of the Central Military Commission is the neural center of the highest authority within the CCP military, directly reporting to the Chairman of the Central Military Commission. Responsible for the everyday circulation of official documents and administrative work of the Central Military Commission, it coordinates the work alignment between various military regions, services, military academies, and departments of the Military Commission. It handles major matters delegated by the Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Military Commission, manages the daily administrative affairs of the Military Commission, and organizes important meetings. Its importance and significance are unparalleled.
Having served in the General Office of the Central Military Commission for 11 years, Zhong Shaojun was considered the most trusted “chief secretary” by Xi Jinping, deeply involved in top-secret matters such as anti-corruption campaigns, military reforms, and personnel changes during Xi’s first and second terms, enjoying a unique position of being “above one person and millions of soldiers” in the military.
Due to his close relationship with Xi and his extensive involvement in crucial military decisions, Zhong Shaojun could potentially be targeted by senior CCP officials seeking promotions through corrupt practices.
In April 2024, Zhong Shaojun was quietly transferred from Xi’s side and appointed as the political commissar of the National Defense University. The CCP authorities never officially announced Zhong Shaojun’s transfer.
On August 19, 2025, the Singapore Ministry of Defense announced on Facebook that its Permanent Secretary for Defense, Chen Qingji, visited Beijing from August 18 to 19 and met with the Minister of Defense of the CCP, Dong Jun, the Deputy Chief of the Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission, Xu Qiling, the Director of the Military Science Academy, Yang Xuejun, and Zhong Shaojun, the Political Commissar of the National Defense University. Photos of Chen Qingji’s meetings with Dong Jun, Xu Qiling, Yang Xuejun, and Zhong Shaojun were also released. It was only then that the public confirmed Zhong Shaojun’s appointment as the Political Commissar of the National Defense University.
As Xi’s closest confidant in the military, the sudden transfer of Zhong Shaojun in April 2024 raised questions. Why was Zhong Shaojun reassigned from Xi’s side? Is this a case of “clearing the monarch’s side”? Additionally, the lack of any reports from CCP state media about “Political Commissar Zhong Shaojun of the National Defense University” for over a year raises suspicions. Could it be because he is considered a problematic official?
Common sense observers focusing on CCP politics, especially high-level military personnel changes, are asking these questions.
On August 30, 2025, Chinese commentator Cai Shenkun residing in the United States disclosed on a self-media program that Zhong Shaojun had been dismissed from his position as the Political Commissar of the National Defense University.
From October 20 to 23, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CCP was held in Beijing. As a Central Committee member, Zhong Shaojun attended the meeting.
Just two days after the conclusion of the Fourth Plenum, the official website of the Chinese Embassy in North Korea posted that on the evening of October 25, the Chinese Embassy in North Korea held a reception to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Chinese military’s deployment to Korea. More than 140 representatives from the Chinese military, led by Political Commissar Xia Zhihe of the National Defense University, who was visiting North Korea, attended the event.
This information indicates that Zhong Shaojun has been removed from his position as Political Commissar of the National Defense University, and his duties have been assumed by Xia Zhihe.
The fact that Xia Zhihe, in the capacity of Political Commissar, embarked on the trip to North Korea immediately after the Fourth Plenum suggests that he might have already taken over as the Political Commissar of the National Defense University before the Plenum. In other words, Zhong Shaojun might have been relieved of his duties before the Plenum.
At 57 years old, Zhong Shaojun, as a deputy regional-level political commissar and Central Committee member, could have served until the age of 65 before retirement. However, he was quietly dismissed from his position. Why?
After being removed from his post, the CCP authorities did not reassign Zhong Shaojun to any role in the National People’s Congress or the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. Instead, he is in a state of “disappearance.” Why?
Having been Xi’s closest confidant in the military, Zhong Shaojun being quietly moved away from Xi and subsequently relieved of his position as the Political Commissar of the National Defense University are both peculiar occurrences that raise doubts.
In my opinion, Zhong Shaojun’s sudden transfer from Xi and subsequent dismissal may be linked to corruption issues within the military. His removal could be due to an investigation by the military discipline inspection commission as his corruption problems may have reached a tipping point. These issues might involve the following three aspects:
In 2023, a major scandal erupted within the CCP Rocket Force, which quickly spread to the Equipment Development Department of the Military Commission, the General Staff Department of the Military Commission, the Strategic Support Force, the Navy, the Army, the Air Force, and senior officers of various ranks.
The implicated personnel include figures such as Li Shangfu, a member of the 20th Central Military Commission, State Councilor, and former Minister of the Equipment Development Department; Wei Fenghe, a member of the 19th Central Military Commission, State Councilor, Minister of National Defense, and the first Commander of the Rocket Force; Zhou Yaning, the second Commander of the Rocket Force; and Li Yuchao, the third Commander of the Rocket Force.
Zhong Shaojun became the Deputy Director of the General Office of the Central Military Commission and Director of the Chairman’s Office of the Military Commission in June 2013. At that time, Qin Shengxiang, the Director of the Central Military Commission’s Office, who had already been serving in that role before Xi took office as the Chairman, was assigned by Jia Tingan, Jiang Zemin’s “chief secretary” in the military, and was not considered Xi’s close associate. After Zhong was transferred to the military committee office, he became Xi’s top confidant within the military.
In August 2017, Zhong Shaojun succeeded Qin Shengxiang as the Director of the Central Military Commission’s General Office, Director of the Central Military Commission’s Reform and Organization Department, and the head of the Central Military Commission’s Leading Group for Deepening National Defense and Military Reform. In December 2017, he also served as a member of the Military Election Committee.
As Xi’s top confidant in the military, Zhong Shaojun participated in the military reforms initiated by Xi in 2015, which included the replacement of military leaders in the 15 departments of the Military Commission, various military branches, combatant commands, military academies, and the armed police forces. He was also involved in personnel selection and appointment in the military during the 19th National Congress of the CCP in 2017 and the 20th National Congress of the CCP in 2020.
Following the Rocket Force scandal, several high-ranking generals, including at least dozens of officers at various ranks, were taken down and investigated by the military discipline inspection commission. It is possible that these generals, under investigation, may have divulged information about money payments to Zhong Shaojun.
After Zhong Shaojun’s issues were exposed, rather than conducting a thorough investigation, he was quietly reassigned to the National Defense University as the Political Commissar. This could indicate that he may have handed over some money, written a self-critique to the Central Military Commission, and also to preserve Xi’s reputation.
Miao Hua served as a member of the Central Military Commission and Director of the Political Work Department of the Military Commission from 2017 to 2024. During his tenure, Miao Hua was responsible for selecting and appointing senior military officials on Xi’s behalf. Starting in December 2017, Zhong Shaojun and Miao Hua both served as members of the Military Election Committee.
He Wudong, elevated by Xi to a member of the Politburo and Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission at the 20th National Congress in 2020, was in charge of military political work and the selection and appointment of senior officers. He directly supervised Miao Hua.
He Wudong, considered Xi’s top ally in the military, and Miao Hua, considered as the second closest to Xi in the military, were both detained. One of their major transgressions was suspected large-scale corruption, indicating that they received significant bribes from high-ranking officers seeking advancement.
After He and Miao fell from grace, several high-ranking officials were also taken down, including General He Hongjun, Deputy Director of the Political Work Department of the Military Commission; General Wang Xiubin, Deputy Director of the Joint Operations Command Center of the Military Commission; General Lin Xiangyang from the Eastern Theater Command; General Qin Shutong, Political Commissar of the Army; Admiral Yuan Huazhi, Political Commissar of the Navy; General Wang Houbin, the fourth Commander of the Rocket Force; and General Wang Chunling, Commander of the Armed Police Forces, among others.
Following the downfall of He and Miao, 14 Central Committee members were absent from the Fourth Plenum, including General Wang Haijiang from the Western Theater Command, General Wu Yanan from the Southern Theater Command, General Huang Ming from the Northern Theater Command, General Li Wei, Political Commissar of the Strategic Support Force, General Wang Renhua, Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission of the Military Commission, General Xu Xueqiang, Minister of the Equipment Development Department of the Military Commission, General Xu Deqing from the Central Theater Command. Our illustrious mod team, General Ju Gansheng, the Commander of the Strategic Support Force, General Xushin, former Political Commissar of the Rocket Force, General Xushi Sheng, Political Commissar of the Rocket Force, General Liu Qingsong of the Eastern Theater Command, and General Zhang Hongbing of the Armed Police Forces.
Among these 14 generals, many might be under investigation by the military discipline inspection commission for allegedly providing bribes to Miao Hua and He Wudong.
The relationship between He Wudong, Miao Hua, and Zhong Shaojun, as Xi’s three most trusted allies in the military hierarchy, might have entailed mutual benefits among them in their roles in selecting and appointing senior military officials.
After the revelations of the He and Miao incidents, and the subsequent downfall of various high-ranking officers, it is possible that people could have implicated Zhong Shaojun in receiving money. These events suggest a possible corruption scheme involving He, Miao, and Zhong.
It is a common phenomenon for high-ranking CCP officials to use their influence or positions to benefit their families financially. Zhong Shaojun may have been involved in similar practices.
On October 28, it was reported overseas that Zhong Shaojun’s mother, Zhang Shujuan, had been taken away by the military discipline inspection commission for investigation.
Zhang Shujuan originally operated a small tea business in Kaihua County, Zhejiang Province, selling “Golden Tea” to earn a living. However, with a precious son like Zhong Shaojun, her tea business flourished, mainly due to his influence.
In June 2013, when Zhong Shaojun was transferred to the General Office of the Central Military Commission, Zhang Shujuan registered the “Golden Latitude Tea Co., Ltd.” in Hangzhou on August 23 of the same year. By the end of the year, she participated in a bidding process for the Military Commission’s logistical department to supply “Healthy Tea Bags.” Her “Military Golden Bud” tea bags became a standard provision in all military rest areas.
It was reported that “starting in 2014, she virtually monopolized the tea supply for all military rest areas, with annual orders amounting to several million yuan.”
Zhang Shujuan also joined the Zhejiang Provincial Tea Industry Association, collaborated with professional cooperatives in Kaihua County, established an organic Golden Tea plantation specifically for the military rest areas, and received agricultural subsidies.
The saying goes, “Those close to the government get rich.” Being the favorite of Xi Jinping, Zhong Shaojun’s mother, Zhang Shujuan, experienced a surge in her “Golden Tea” business, which could have been facilitated by her son’s status and connections.
Taking everything into account, I believe that there is a high possibility that Zhong Shaojun is currently under secretive investigation by the military discipline inspection commission.
If he is being investigated secretly, the details of Zhong Shaojun’s case might remain concealed for a period. Given Zhong Shaojun’s status as a member of the 20th Central Committee, any updates on his situation might not surface until before the 5th Plenum of the CCP in 2026. Another scenario could be that the CCP decides to keep Zhong Shaojun “absent” from the 5th Plenum and handle his case discreetly.
Epoch Times exclusive.