On October 29, 2026, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China officially concluded after four days of discussions. Just two days later, on October 31, Fu Chengyu, the former chairman of China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation and aged 75, was placed under investigation, marking him as the first major official to be implicated following the Plenary Session. Fu’s connections run deep; he was part of a network known as the “petroleum faction” linked to former Standing Committee member Zeng Qinghong and had long served on the council of Shanghai University of Science and Technology, an institution heavily influenced by Jiang Mianheng, the son of former Party leader Jiang Zemin.
The period surrounding the Fourth Plenary Session witnessed a wave of removals among high-ranking officials associated with the Shanghai faction. Huang Qifan, a veteran in the group and former mayor of Chongqing, was investigated after years of retirement. Dwayne Ge, the former vice chairman of Shanghai Industrial Group, was dismissed, while former president Zhou Jun received a suspended death sentence. The fall of these figures closely ties back to Jiang Mianheng and his interests.
Additionally, Jiang Mianheng had historical connections with Ma Xingrui, a former member of the Political Bureau, particularly in the aerospace and military sectors. General Ju Qiansheng, who was stripped of his position as a member of the National People’s Congress, reportedly confessed details implicating Jiang Mianheng in military-related corruption. The aggressive purge that unfolded around this time raises questions about internal power struggles at the highest levels of the Communist Party.
On October 31, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection announced that Fu Chengyu had been placed under investigation. Previously, he served as a member of the 17th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and was a standing committee member of the 12th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.
Fu was born in 1951 in Heilongjiang Province and graduated from the Northeast Petroleum University with a degree in geology. He began his career at China National Offshore Oil Corporation in 1982, spending over 30 years in the oil industry. His roles included vice president of China National Offshore Oil Corporation, president of CNOOC Limited, and chairman and CEO of Sinopec. His retirement in May 2015 came over eleven years before his recent investigation.
Reports from Shanghai University of Science and Technology indicate that Fu served on its council for nearly a decade. He was present at the inaugural council meeting in December 2013 and was re-elected in July 2019. Remarkably, he remained active in this role until the fifth meeting of the second council in November 2022.
Shanghai University of Science and Technology is a higher education institution co-established by the Shanghai municipal government and the Chinese Academy of Sciences. The council is tasked with significant administrative decisions, including strategy formulation, principal nominations, and the annual review of the institution’s work reports and financial plans.
Notably, the university has been described as Jiang Mianheng’s “private kingdom.” The establishment of the university coincided with Jiang’s active promotion in 2013 when it first enrolled postgraduate students. In 2015, Jiang stepped down as director of the Shanghai branch of the Chinese Academy of Sciences but continued to hold sway through his position at the university.
Until June 5, 2024, Jiang Mianheng served as the university’s president, transitioning to chair of the university’s council, maintaining that position even at the age of 75. For over a decade, Jiang and Fu collaborated closely within the university’s council, with Fu visiting the campus in May 2016 for an official inspection.
The collaboration between Jiang Mianheng, who served a lengthy term as the vice president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and Fu Chengyu’s Sinopec has been noted in multiple reports. Both entities shared overlapping interests in various projects, strengthening connections in the scientific and technological sectors.
In the broader context, following the conclusion of the Fourth Plenary Session, a notable reshuffling of officials occurred. On October 30, just one day prior to Fu’s investigation, the Shanghai Municipal Commission of Discipline Inspection announced the investigation of Dwayne Ge, who faced serious allegations of corruption and misconduct.
Ge had recently resigned from his position as external director of SAIC Motor Corporation on October 28, citing personal reasons, and had also stepped down from several committee roles. His public history indicates a career deeply embedded in the Shanghai government, where he held various posts before becoming vice chairman of Shanghai Industrial Group in 2017.
Around the same period, Zhou Jun, the former president of Shanghai Industrial Group, faced a conviction related to corruption and was sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve. Over the years, Zhou’s dealings at the company aligned closely with Ge’s and reflected a broader network of corruption extending to other high-ranking officials within Shanghai Industrial Group.
Shanghai Industrial Group, a state-owned enterprise established in 1981, is considered a strategic entity for the Shanghai municipal government, managing various listed subsidiaries, including Shanghai Pharmaceuticals and Shanghai Environment Group. The operations of this group have been closely tied to the Jiang family, with Jiang Mianheng exerting significant influence over many ventures.
As the fallout from these investigations deepens, questions arise regarding the implications for Jiang Zemin’s familial networks and their entanglements with the corrupt practices that have been unfolding within the party. The events following the Fourth Plenary Session underscore not only the ongoing power struggles but also the impact of these high-profile removals on the Communist Party’s inner dynamics as it approaches its next major congress.
This recent crackdown on Shanghai faction associates, including the notable investigations into Huang Qifan and Fu Chengyu, raises critical inquiries about the forces orchestrating these purges and their potential linkages to Jiang Zemin’s family.
The political atmosphere remains charged, indicating that these developments may lead to further scrutiny and a broader re-evaluation of party allegiances as the country prepares for its upcoming political transitions. As these stories unfold, the implications for the Communist Party’s hierarchy and its future remain crucial subjects of analysis.